Saturday, April 19, 2025

US Dollar Index

In my email:

It's all downhill since January, for sure.

Trump's record. Policy Uncertainty: up. Consumer Confidence: down. And the Dollar: down.

I never heard of the "U.S. dollar index" before. I find it at MarketWatch as U.S. Dollar Index (DXY). I grabbed the 10-year graph, and cropped it to show since just before Covid:

The last high point on the right,  above the 105 level, shows October 1, 2024. Find the tick mark for 2025 and from there go straight up to the blue line at the 104.21 level: That point shows January 1, 2025. Looks like that's where the other graph starts, the first graph. From that point both graphs show strong decline.

The second graph shows an October 2024 peak -- before the November election. But the next data point on the 10-year graph is for January 1, 2025. So the graph does not indicate when the peak was, relative to the election. It  looks like the downturn was an immediate response to the Novemper election, but it turns out that it was not.

Yes, I do look for things like that. All the time.

At MarketWatch the 6-month graph begins in October and shows weekday readings. Looks like the Dollar Index peaked on 13 January 2025 at 109.96 whatevers. The decline started in mid-January. Like Consumer Confidence, the Dollar Index waited a couple of months after the election before starting to fall. It did not make a severe change right after the November election, the way Uncertainty did. Sorry to disappoint.

Back to the 10-year graph. Covid created a comparably large drop from the January 1, 2020 high. And something -- oh, inflation, no doubt -- created a comparably large drop from the high point of July 1, 2022, with CPI inflation having reached 8.99930 percent in June. (Call it 9 percent. It couldn't get much closer.)

Kinda funny: the Dollar Index peaked moments after inflation peaked, and both came down together. Well, as I said, I never saw the Dollar Index before. I don't claim to know what it measures.


Yes, the "This Year" performance on the first graph is an eye-opener. But when eyes are open, the decline is not as overwhelming as that graph makes it look. That first graph only tells me I need to keep an eye on the Dollar Index data, too. I know, it would be more fun to say "Trump is crashing the economy" but I can't say that. Not yet. Yes, I still think he's trying to crash the economy. But that's not the same thing.

It's worse.

Thursday, April 17, 2025

It has taken almost 50 years, but we're getting there

Paul Samuelson, writing in 1979:

Today’s inflation is chronic. Its roots are deep in the very nature of the welfare state. [Establishment of price stability through monetary policy would require] abolishing the humane society [and would] reimpose inequality and suffering not tolerated under democracy. A fascist political state would be required to impose such a regime and preserve it. Short of a military junta that imprisons trade union activists and terrorizes intellectuals, this solution to inflation is unrealistic—and, to most of us, undesirable.

From "The Evolution of U. S. Monetary Policy" by Robert L. Hetzel (2017). Hetzel's reference to Samuelson is:
Samuelson, Paul A. “Living with Stagflation” (1979) in Kate Crowley, ed., The Collected Scientific Papers of Paul A. Samuelson. vol. 5, no. 379, 1986, 972.

Wednesday, April 16, 2025

Project 2025 was "Organized by the Heritage Foundation"

Just before 7 o'clock this morning on the Audie Cornish show on CNN, the topic text across the bottom of the screen reads:

TRUMP SUGGESTS HARVARD SHOULD BE TAXED "AS A POLITICAL ENTITY"

Harvard, a political entity.

Meanwhile, as you are no doubt aware, the Heritage Foundation is a tax-exempt charitable organization.

That is unconscionable. 

Tuesday, April 15, 2025

Do the math

From Congressional Research Service: "Introduction to U.S. Economy: Inflation" dated April 1, 2025

From page 2 of 3:


 

The link turned up as part of the AI Overview in Google Search results. The AI Overview response itself provides a different calculation:

To convert a nominal value to a real value, you need to adjust for inflation using a price index. The formula is: Real Value = Nominal Value / (Price Index / 100).

 

To remove inflation from nominal values, you divide it out of the nominals. The CRS would have us multiply inflation in.

An April Fools gag? New Trump policy?? Pure ignorance??? Hard to say.

Sunday, April 13, 2025

Engineering a depression

"The Trump Depression" by Robert Kuttner, 5 March 2025, at The American Prospect. The subtitle says "Donald Trump is on track to be the first president to deliberately engineer a severe depression." That was the first reference I found to Trump creating a depression. The statement is clear and, I think, correct. The goal is depression, and the intent deliberate.

The second reference to depression that I saw was S2E8 of "Have I Got News for You". About 8:50 into the video, Roy Wood Jr asks "What happens of Trump's tariffs don't work and America ends up in a depression?" And again, about 9:14 into the video, Roy Wood Jr asks: "If the depression hurricane is off shore, how close is it to landfall?" It is a comedy show, but Roy Wood Jr was expressing honest concern.

Don't fast-forward to the depression quotes. Watch the show, it's so funny. It's my new favorite show.

The third reference to depression is from "Smerconish" on CNN. Season 2025, the 12 April episode. At the end of the episode he shows a cartoon of Trump wearing a hat that says "Make America 1929 Again". It's perfect.

I'm glad the topic comes up once in a while because if we are going to have a depression, it is best not to be caught by surprise. Anyway, these things take time to develop. And if people believe Trump is creating a depression, and react negatively, there is time to change course. Of course, the reaction to Trump's policy would have to be strong and severe.


In the American Prospect article, Kuttner asks: "What in the hell does Trump think he is accomplishing?"

It's a good question. I have been waiting, focusing on the news, trying to understand what Trump's plan is, trying to understand how "tariffs" and "Greenland" and "bullying" and all the other pieces of his plan fit together. It finally struck me about two days ago: He's creating a depression. Thank you, Mr. Kuttner, for helping me see it.

Kuttner says: 

A related key question is whether Trump has any master plan for the economy here, or whether he is just batshit crazy. The evidence is that Trump’s effort to destroy the government reflects a certain malign consistency, but that his effort to destroy the economy is based on sheer ignorance and impulsivity.

It's not ignorance or impulsiveness. It can't be. It's a plan. A "deliberate" plan to create a depression. As Kuttner has it, "There are several distinct elements" to Trump's policy, "all cutting in the same direction, all interacting with each other, all needless." Together, they will create a depression.

Depression opens a door to the future that Donald Trump wants.

Trump wants regime change. He doesn't want democracy. He doesn't want to be restrained by the US Constitution. He wants to be a dictator -- "for one day," he said. Dictator for a short time, and then Emperor: Emperor of the Western Hemisphere: For now, Emperor of the US, Canada, Greenland, and Panama. Before long, no doubt, also Mexico and most or all of Central and South America. Willing to trade Gaza.

Why create a Depression? A depression will make it easier to get rid of the US Constitution. A depression will be the last straw, convincing an overwhelming majority of Americans that the existing US government is the cause of our economic problems and must be eliminated. They will torch the US Constitution and line up behind their Emperor.

But the proximate cause of our economic problems is excessive private-sector debt. The cause of that cause is that our economic policies encourage us to use credit, to help our economy grow.  Using credit to grow the economy works best when there is little accumulated debt. It does not work at all when we have been encouraged to use credit for 80 years and our accumulation of debt has become massive.


Required reading

First, read something that will give you a feel for how very good a good economy can be: From Time Magazine, Friday 31 December 1965: "We Are All Keynesians Now" at Brad DeLong's site. Or, if that title turns you off, read the first few paragraphs of Jude Wanniski's "The Way We Were":

... you have to have lived in the 1950s and 1960s to have experienced a good economy.

I want to be sure you know that for a very long time our economy has not been good. Wanniski says it well, but the Time article really makes you feel it.

Second, read page 30 from William E. Leuchtenburg's Franklin D. Roosevelt and the New Deal, 1932-1940. I want to be sure you see that when a bad economy is very bad, people react as if the problem is political. Leuchtenburg tells us that

Henry Hazlitt proposed abandoning Congress for a directorate of twelve men.

He also quotes Barron's from 13 Feb 1933:

"Of course we all realize that dictatorships and even semi-dictatorships in peace time are quite contrary to the spirit of American institutions and all that," remarked Barron's. "And yet — well, a genial and lighthearted dictator might be a relief from the pompous futility of such a Congress as we have recently had. ... So we return repeatedly to the thought that a mild species of dictatorship will help us over the roughest spots in the road ahead."

Yes, you can change things by abandoning Congress. Yes, you can change things by abandoning the US Constitution. But if you want to change the economy, you need to do economic things. And if you want to improve the economy, then you must correctly understand what the problem is, what the economy's problem is, so that when you change economic policy the economy changes in the way that you want.

Saturday, April 12, 2025

A different world

The historian M. I. Rostovtzeff (1870-1952) on the fall of Rome:
What happened was a slow and gradual change, a shifting of values in the consciousness of men. What seemed to be all-important to a Greek of the classical or Hellenistic period, or to an educated Roman of the time of the Republic and of the Early Empire, was no longer regarded as vital by the majority of men who lived in the late Roman Empire and the Early Middle Ages. They had their own notion of what was important, and most of what was essential in the classical period among the constituent parts of ancient civilization was discarded by them as futile and often detrimental. Since our point of view is more or less that of the classical peoples, we regard such an attitude of mind as a relapse into "barbarism"....
From "The Decay of the Ancient World and Its Economic Explanations" by M. I. Rostovtzeff. In The Fall of Rome: Can It Be Explained? edited by Mortimer Chambers.

Friday, April 11, 2025

Understanding Trump's economic policy

At The American Prospect: "Donald Trump is on track to be the first president to deliberately engineer a severe depression." 

I see it that way. I expect depression. Depression opens a door to the future that Donald Trump wants.

Trump wants regime change. He doesn't want democracy. He doesn't want to be restrained by the US Constitution. He wants to be a dictator -- "for one day," he said. Dictator for a short time, and then Emperor: Emperor of the Western Hemisphere: For now, Emperor of the US, Canada, Greenland, and Panama. Before long, no doubt, also Mexico and most or all of Central and South America. Willing to trade Gaza.

Why create a Depression? A depression will make it easier to get rid of the US Constitution. A depression will be the last straw, convincing an overwhelming majority of Americans that the existing US government is the cause of our economic problems and must be eliminated. They will torch the US Constitution and line up behind their Emperor.

Thursday, April 10, 2025

Assessing the risk

Labor's sensibility -- labor's awareness of approaching recession -- is evident in three of the last four recessions, and in the current trend:

Labor Force Participation Rate: https://fred.stlouisfed.org/graph/?g=1HWVL

The pandemic recession arose from non-economic causes. Since I am using sensibility to mean "the ability to feel and react" to an approaching recession, the 2020 recession should not even count. So make it three out of three recessions, plus the current trend.

When Labor Share goes up, Capital Share goes down. As the graph below shows, rising Labor Share typically brings on recession. Based on the graph, we might say the business decisions that increase Capital Share appear to be the decisions that create recessions.

Labor Share: https://fred.stlouisfed.org/series/PRS88003173

A trend of rising Labor Share typically ends in recession, yes. But unlike labor sensibility, Labor Share gives no early warning of recession.


My gut tells me that announced layoffs may give an early warning of recession:

But maybe these stats are not as bad as they sound.  This FRED graph shows that layoff counts were unusually low after the pandemic recession, in 2021 and 2022. As of 2025, however, layoff counts appear to be back in the normal range. So more surges in job cuts, coming now, could very likely be an early warning of recession.

And just the other day, Reuters reported that "US announced job cuts surge in March on Doge hit":

Layoffs announced by U.S. employers surged in March to the highest level since the pandemic recession as the government purged federal workers and contractors to slash spending.

It is as if the government wants to create a recession or (as I suggest) a depression. The federal government appears to be pushing hard for economic decline. Does that trouble you? It troubles me.

And, as if job cuts are not enough, the US and our trading partners appear to be engaged in a bidding war to raise tariff rates to the highest possible level. And curse our luck, the price increases created by tariffs are cost-push increases.

Cost-push slows the economy. 

That is what recession is: a slow economy. An even slower economy is called a depression.

 

We also have Milton Friedman saying

There is strong evidence that a monetary crisis involving a substantial decline in the quantity of money is a necessary and sufficient condition for a major depression.

And then we have the Donald and the DOGE, and giddy Musk with his symbolic chain saw, and the federal spending cuts of, oh, a trillion or two. Those cuts are an extra push, to push our economy toward depression. As if things are not bad enough already.

And then again we have Milton Friedman, this time saying "lower government spending can contribute to reduced monetary growth." A trillion or two less government spending might do no harm in a strong and healthy economy. But despite what people may say, and despite what we may want to think, our economy is not strong and healthy. So the government spending cuts concern me.

A reduction of federal spending can reduce money growth. A severe reduction of federal spending can be a necessary and sufficient condition for a major depression. Necessary and sufficient, Friedman said. "Sufficient" is the problem. Is a trillion or two of federal spending cuts sufficient? Is it enough to create a depression? What if we also double the price of imports? And if we take huge numbers of people out of the labor force?

The Trump tariffs increase import prices without increasing wages. Because of the tariffs, consumers will spend more to buy less. Spending more is a problem when we are not also earning more. And buying less slows the economy.

Tariffs slow the economy. The reduction in federal spending alone could be enough to create "a major depression." If not, tariffs may slow the economy enough to make it one. Labor Force Participation shows a trend of decline since September 2023 or before, so we could be in a recession already. (I don't think so; not yet, but soon.) And announced job cuts? Keep an eye on the news reports. You don't want to be the last to know.


"But, they're creating a depression? Why??" you might ask. "This is just crazy!!!"

If it was in fact the current Administration's intent to create a depression, surely they would not admit it. This does not prove that depression is their plan.

Nor does it prove that depression is not their plan.

Why? You want a why? I'll tell you why. Trump wants regime change. He doesn't want democracy. He doesn't want to be restrained by the US Constitution. He wants to be a dictator -- "for one day," he said. Dictator, for a short time. And after that, Emperor. Emperor of the Western Hemisphere: For now, emperor of the US, Canada, Greenland, and Panama. Before long, certainly also Mexico and probably all of Central and South America.

Why create a Depression? A depression will make it easier to get rid of the US Constitution. A depression will be the last straw, convincing the majority of Americans that the existing US government is the cause of our economic problems. (It is: The cause, specifically, is policy that promotes excessive reliance on credit in the private sector. But that does not mean we need to change our form of government.) A depression will have the voting majority ready to torch the Constitution.

Why depression? I refer you to a bit of US history from the Great Depression of the 1930s, from William E. Leuchtenburg's Franklin D. Roosevelt and the New Deal, 1932-1940. Leuchtenburg writes:

Many argued that the country could get out of the morass of indecision only by finding a leader and vesting in him dictatorial powers. Some favored an economic supercouncil which would ignore Congress and issue edicts; Henry Hazlitt proposed abandoning Congress for a directorate of twelve men. Others wished to confer on the new president the same arbitrary war powers Woodrow Wilson had been granted. Even businessmen favored granting Roosevelt dictatorial powers when he took office. Distressed by the chaotic competition in industries such as oil and textiles, alarmed by the outbursts of violence, convinced of the need for drastic budget slashing, they despaired of any leadership from Congress. "Of course we all realize that dictatorships and even semi-dictatorships in peace time are quite contrary to the spirit of American institutions and all that," remarked Barron's. "And yet -- well, a genial and lighthearted dictator might be a relief from the pompous futility of such a Congress as we have recently had... So we return repeatedly to the thought that a mild species of dictatorship will help us over the roughest spots in the road ahead."

Depression opens a door to the future Donald Trump wants. That's why I expect a depression.

Wednesday, April 9, 2025

Uncertainty, updated thru March 2025

Uncertainty Index at FRED: https://fred.stlouisfed.org/series/USEPUINDXM

Brings to mind an ancient Chinese curse: May you live in interesting times.


Recent Uncertainty Index posts:

Tuesday, April 8, 2025

8 April follow-up

In yesterday's post I said maybe Trump's tariff policies will somehow "be enough to prevent a slowdown of the US economy," and maybe

the shift toward more domestic purchasing will be enough to boost the growth of our economy -- which to me seems a central part of Trumpian economics. (But then, I always focus on growth. And really, I have no idea what Trump is thinking.) 

I mistakenly attributed my focus on growth to Trump. An easy mistake, as I have no clue what his objective actually is. No clue at all: You even saw me the other day asking if Trump is trying to create a global depression.

But at MarketWatch just now I found "Here’s the real reason Trump wants to create economic chaos — and why investors should be more afraid" (by Brett Arends, 26 March 2025) along with this subtitle text:

Trump administration wants a weaker dollar and lower Treasury yields to pay for U.S. tax cuts. A recession could be a part of the deal.

So maybe I'm not too far off, wondering if he's trying to create a depression.

 

The MarketWatch article, an opinion piece, was interesting. The opinion starts with an observation -- "The US Dollar is particularly strong" -- and a corrolary: The strong dollar makes US exports expensive and US imports cheap. That, they say, is

the absolutely essential context for understanding the Trump administration’s economic, financial and trade policies... Donald Trump wants to slash the value of the U.S. dollar against other international currencies, to make U.S.-manufactured products cheaper both at home and overseas while making other countries’ manufactured products more expensive.

That is gimmicky shit. Gimmicky economics. Maybe Trump will end up making the dollar weak and China's currency strong. What, China's not doing well enough without our help?

Hey, I don't like the US trade deficit either. But I'm not convinced the US trade deficit is Trump's focus. And I  don't think the trade deficit is the problem. FRED's Table 1.5.5 shows GDP as C + I + NX + G. NX is Net Exports. The Table links to this Net Exports graph. The graph shows that we have had a trade deficit since 1976. The article says "The US dollar is currently going through a phase of broad over-valuation." What, a phase that began in 1976?

Maybe Trump does want to weaken the dollar. But surely this would not be a long-term strategy. Nations with weak or declining currencies are not well respected, if I rightly grasp human nature. But Trump demands respect. And I don't even trust the idea that creating a recession would help weaken the dollar. It would have to be a US-only recession. That is not likely, in our globalized world.

Besides, it was less than 20 years ago that economists were panicked about the financial crisis creating a full-fledged depression. People say things like "the fundamentals are sound." But they said that during the financial crisis, too. They just say it to build consumer confidence. They don't know. They only hope the fundamentals are sound. As do we all.

But "All Sectors" debt (relative to GDP) was just as high in 2020 as it was in 2009. The peaks look similar on the graph, and the two declines from peak look identical. One more recession now, and we get a third identical peak. With a depression, we get a much higher peak. The fundamentals are sound, my ass.

And yes, I know, during the campaign Trump said

I don’t want to be Herbert Hoover. The one president – I just don’t want to be Herbert Hoover

He doesn't want to be the guy that starts the Depression. At least, that's what he said.

Monday, April 7, 2025

I can't get enough Nixon-as-Bad-Guy stories, but...

This is Milton Friedman's Nixon-as-Bad-Guy story:

You know why price and wage controls are imposed? They are imposed whenever a Government wants to inflate. The imposition of price and wage controls is a sure sign that the Government wants to inflate. After all, Governments are not foolish. The people who do these things aren’t stupid. They know the record of history. They know as well as you and I do that wage and price controls don’t have anything to do with inflation, then why do they impose them? Because they want to inflate and this is a way in which on the one hand they can inflate and on the other can give the public the impression that they are doing something about inflation. In addition, they want to postpone the evil consequences of inflation. They want to have as much of their inflation as possible come out initially in the form of increased output. After all, politicians are necessarily short sighted. As elections come near, they try to postpone the problem. Look at the record in recent years. In the United States in 1971, Mr. Nixon imposed price and wage controls at a time when our rate of inflation was running at the horrendous level of 4½% a year. That temporarily suppressed inflation but the final result of those wage and price controls was an inflation at the rate of 12% a year. It was perfectly clear that the reason Mr. Nixon imposed price and wage controls at that time is that he wanted to take expansionary fiscal and monetary measures that would create a favourable economic climate for the 1972 elections.

Source: "Can Inflation Be Cured" from Milton Friedman in Australia, 1975.

When I first read the Milton Friedman paper linked above, for me the Nixon paragraph was a prize find. This time when I read it (while writing this post) I was surprised to see that Friedman's version is only another inflation story, a wage-and-price-controls-are-useless story. In everything else I have read on the Nixon re-election, the scandal was that Nixon put his buddy Burns in charge at the Fed and Burns delayed raising interest rates long enough "to make sure the economy was robust going into the election" as the National Review article (see below) puts it. 

And Nixon's wage and price controls were only needed until the election was over. Nixon wasn't saving the economy. He was saving his job.

Yes, Friedman adds depth to the story, but he leaves out the best parts. And he doesn't bring in the co-conspirator Burns, at all. 

Manipulation of Federal Reserve policy decisions is a key piece of the story. But Friedman, as usual, is always and everywhere focused on inflation to the point where it almost ruins a great Nixon story!


Wikipedia's "Arthur F. Burns" article -- Burns was Chairman of the Federal Reserve from 1970 to 1978 -- Wikipedia links to the 2004 National Review article "(More) Politics at the Fed?" by Bruce Bartlett. That's the one you want to read. The link to that article is broken. National Review now has it at this address and attributed to RIDHancock instead of to Bartlett. And yet, just below the NR article we still find this:

Bruce Bartlett is senior fellow for the National Center for Policy Analysis.
Bartlett writes: "Nixon wanted to keep monetary policy loose in order to make sure the economy was robust going into the election."

Nixon wanted a robust economy because he was the incumbent running for re-election. If he wasn't the incumbent he'd have wanted the economy going from bad to worse. In the context of the Biden years, if I was running against Biden and I was a dirtbag like Nixon, I would have talked the Fed into delaying the increase of interest rates for a year in order to get inflation raging, and I'd have been calling it "the Biden inflation" every time I opened my mouth.

I'd have done everything in my power to make Biden's economy look bad and worse and worst. But that's just me.

Wednesday, April 2, 2025

Trumpian Mercantilism

A tariff is a tax on imports. The tax is paid by the importer, with the cost passed along to the customer.

Historically, if I have this right, less-developed nations (like the US in its first century) imposed tariffs to increase the cost of imports. That makes domestic products more competitive and helps the domestic economy grow. 

In Trump's case, I don't see how the US benefits by imposing tariffs -- other than revenue gain for the federal government. He doesn't seem to say. I don't imagine he thinks making imports more expensive will make anyone happy. The tariffs could eventually be good for domestic employment -- something I never hear on CNN -- but certainly not before a four-year term has expired. 

I cannot imagine that such a benefit would arise quickly. An improved employment picture will not begin to emerge until the effects of tariff policy become clear. So far, the only effect we've seen is a shocking increase in uncertainty.

As a general statement, my tidy observation is that tariff policy is mercantile economics, and certainly not modern economic thinking. That's the reason Trump's econ seem so strange, so alien to us today.

It has been said that Adam Smith and his 1776 book moved economic thought away from the mercantile focus on accumulating gold and silver -- which mercantilism tried to achieve by improving the balance of trade by means of tariffs -- and moved economic thought to a focus on wealth being the output produced and enjoyed by business activity and its customers. 

Where Trump is taking our economy remains to be seen.


Domestic inflation (for which labor unfailingly gets the blame) increases prices of US products at home and abroad. Inflation prices us out of foreign markets and is largely responsible for the US trade deficit. So if Trump wants to improve the balance of trade, he will want to keep domestic wage increases to a  minimum, to keep US product prices down in foreign markets.

Meanwhile, the Trump tariffs will increase the price of imports, and reduce the volume of imports that we in the US buy. 

I don't see how these policy outcomes will be beneficial to the US economy or to US labor. The effect on US business, it is too soon to say. And, again, the Trump tariffs will boost tax revenue to the federal government, at our expense.

 

The problem with the Trump plan is that it is at best only vaguely related to the central economic problem of our age which is, in the words of the American economist Vladimir Simkhovitch, labor cannot support life.

The trade deficit is certainly one problem. But it cannot be that excessively high wages caused the inflation that priced US output out of foreign markets. If wages were high enough to create our trade deficit, we would all be thrilled with our paychecks. But that is surely not the case.

I am not a fan of globalization. I believe we must learn to provide ourselves with full employment by our domestic policy. But tariffs on imports are not domestic policy. And the media is already talking "trade war".

As I understand Trump's economic thinking, using tariffs to boost the prices of imports will increase domestic purchases of domestic output. But to the extent that we have been buying imports for the cost savings, if the tariffs get us to buy American we will be paying higher prices anyway. Because of the tariffs. Yes, we'll be buying American, but at prices we avoided in pre-tariff days. Trump is not solving our economic problem.

If we are paying more, without more income, then we will have to be buying less, or saving less, or both. If we are buying less, demand is down and the economy gets a little slower and unemployment tends to go up. Not a good outcome.

Perhaps the tariff revenue will allow Trump to cut taxes on wages, and boost take-home pay. Perhaps this boost will be enough to offset the higher prices we are paying to buy domestic rather than imports. Perhaps it will be enough to prevent a slowdown of the US economy. Perhaps the shift toward more domestic purchasing will be enough to boost the growth of our economy -- which to me seems a central part of Trumpian economics. (But then, I always focus on growth. And really, I have no idea what Trump is thinking.) Eventually, perhaps, the resulting growth of domestic output will boost employment. Eventually, and perhaps.


Stagflation? Stagflation has been in the news lately. Stagflation is inflation in a stagnant economy: inflation and stagnation at the same time. Or, as the definitions describe it these days: high inflation and high unemployment, at the same time.

This surprises me. Granted, inflation doesn't want to come down to 2 percent. But it did stabilize at 3 percent, as of June 2023.  That's not good enough for the Federal Reserve. They want 2 percent. I think the economy changed during the Biden inflation, and the economy now wants 3 percent. And in a battle with the economy, I don't think the Fed can win. I've been concerned for a while now that by insisting on 2 percent, the Fed is slowing the economy enough to create a recession.

So yeah, I guess, inflation is too high and I worry about unemployment rising, so this sounds like stagflation. I don't see it as stagflation. I see it as bad policy. If inflation comes down rapidly to the 3 percent level and then stays there despite the Federal Reserve, I don't see that as high inflation. I see it as a change in the economy. And as I see things, it is the job of economists (and of hobbyists like me) to notice changes and try to understand them. Try to understand the cause of the change.

If the Fed wants to bring inflation down from a "natural" target of 3 percent to the Fed's target of 2 percent, the Fed needs first to understand the problem the economy has with 2 percent.

Far as I'm concerned, the Fed is scolding the economy for failing to behave as the Fed wants. I don't think the Fed can win that battle. I think the Fed should stop barreling forward, and start re-thinking its understanding of the economy. But hey, that's just me.

With a correct understanding of the economy, of the economic problem, the Federal Reserve, together with Congress and the President, could easily solve the economic problem. Easily. But I do not mean the inflation and unemployment problem. For the economy, inflation and unemployment are not problems. For the economy, they are solutions to the problem that disturbs our economy. 

Inflation and unemployment are problems for people. In order to solve these problems, we have to give the economy what it wants, so that it will stop creating inflation and unemployment.

But hey, that's just me.

 

Yes, stagflation has been in the news a lot, lately. I did a Google search for the word stagflation, set the "Tools: Any time" option to different time periods, and jotted down the estimated number of results:

 Start Date            End Date           Results
Jan 1, 2022Dec 31, 202253,300
Jan 1, 2023Dec 31, 202358,600
Jan 1, 2024Dec 31, 2024289,300
Mar 31, 2024Mar 31, 20251,710,300

The first three results are by year; the last is for the most recent 12-month period as of this writing.

Myself, I have not been predicting stagflation. I do see stagflation as a likely result of the Trump tariffs, but not from general economic conditions.

Yes, the tariffs. Tariffs increase prices. Without a corresponding increase in the quantity of money, and in wages, we will have to buy less simply because we don't have the money. Yes, we could all borrow more and spend the borrowed funds and then everything would be fine -- but not really. Private-sector debt is already so high that the economy struggles to achieve even the bare minimum of growth. Solving the tariff-cost problem by borrowing more is an unsatisfactory solution to a problem that should never have been created.

Too much of the money we spend goes to pay for the money we spend, instead of to pay for the products we buy. Excessive debt, excessive private-sector debt is the real, underlying problem. I think the Fed's inflation target, the 2 percent target that maybe should now be 3 percent, I think that purposefully shooting for an inflation rate above zero is the only thing that keeps our economy growing at all. And we need that extra money in the economy every year because interest and principal absorb so much of our disposable income.

Labor cannot afford to live because wages have not kept up with costs. How did this happen? It happened because our reliance on credit tends to increase until the economy gets in trouble. Interest, yeah, a problem. But interest rates go up and down. Debt goes up and up, and doesn't come down until it comes crashing down in a time of economic crisis, as it did in 2008 and for much of the next decade.

By the way, debt came down -- or actually, debt grew, but very slowly -- during the Savings and Loan crisis from the mid-1980s to the mid-1990s. Slow borrowing meant a slow increase in the Q of M, which would slow the economy. So the Fed permitted an unusually large increase in the quantity of M1 money, transaction money.

What happened was our reliance on interest-free money increased while our reliance on borrowed funds decreased. The net effect was a decrease in the cost of using money. And that difference was enough to allow excellent economic growth in the latter 1990s. It's simple. And as I said, it's easy. And by the way, in the latter 1990s the federal deficit was briefly reduced to nothing. We should do more of that, reducing our reliance on credit and replacing that costly money with cash. With greenbacks. With income. To make it happen, policies need to change.

Or, you know, we can opt for primitive, mercantile policies like tariffs and stir up trouble with neighboring nations. It's your call.