Thursday, May 31, 2018

The Yield Curve and the Next Recession

John Cochrane:


The graph shows the 10 year government bond rate and the overnight Federal Funds rate, which the Fed controls. Notice how an “inverted” spread — when the funds rate is higher than the 10 year rate — is one of the most reliable indicators of a recession to come.

Notice that the yield spread is tightening now. So should we worry? Well, notice also the many times when the yield spread tightened… and then sat there for many years of growth. The late 1960s, the late 1980s, and the late 1990s are good examples.
"Notice also the many times when the yield spread tightened… and then sat there for many years of growth. The late 1960s, the late 1980s, and the late 1990s..."

Damn right. And this time is like the 1990s.

But is the spread really tightening now, as Cochrane says? To my eye, no.

To my eye, on Cochrane's graph the blue line hit bottom in mid-2012 and has been gradually rising since. Or, worst case, hit bottom in mid-2012, skidded along the bottom until mid-2016, and has been rising since. To my eye, the 10-year rate is keeping up with the Federal Funds rate. But that's why we do graphs: because we can't always believe our eye.

So I reconstructed John Cochrane's graph and added H-P trend lines to it:
Graph #2
Source data as thin lines, trends as heavy lines. Blue for the 10-year rate, red for the Federal Funds rate. Here's a close-up:

Graph #3
That blue line shows the "skidding along the bottom from 2013 to 2016. John Bull still can't stand two percent, apparently.

But it does seem that since 2015 or 2016, the red line is gaining on the blue. The gap between the H-P trend lines is definitely getting smaller.

Yeah, but there are known issues, known "end point" issues with the Hodrick-Prescott calculation. Since that last low in early 2016, for example, the blue data is going up faster than the blue trend. So I still think the blue data is climbing as fast as the red data.

Graph #4

Looking more closely, the red trend starts climbing by January 2015, while the  blue trend is still drifting down; running flat but drifting down. And yet, the red data is slower to rise than the red trend all thru 2015 and 2016.

And somehow, it looks like the red line rising is encouraging the blue to rise. Which is what's supposed to happen, I think.

I can see the heavy red line gaining on the heavy blue. But it is still not clear to me that the thin red line is gaining on the thin blue. Not since 2016.


If interest rates are rising now, rather than falling or running flat, then we are into a different trend. And if we're into a different trend, then I don't want to blur trends together by using H-P calcs that consider the whole dataset from the 1950s to 2018.

I want to see a close-up of this stuff, since 2016. 2016, because I think that's when the different trend starts. I subtracted the FedFunds data from the 10-year rate, to get the yield spread. And I re-figured the H-P numbers starting in January 2016, to eliminate all the influence of past trends. Here's what I got:

Graph #5
Oh you're right, you're right, mea culpa you're right. The yield spread is falling. The red line, sloping down, shows that the gap between the two interest rates is narrowing. I couldn't see it before.

When that red line gets to zero, the yield curve inverts. And we'll probably have a recession a year or two after that. Okay, so when will the yield curve invert?

I put a linear trend on the data and extended it out to see when it gets to zero:

Graph #6
Looks like a recession is due some time after 2026.

A non-linear trend line could predict an earlier recession, and let's call that realistic. But this year or next year or 2020? I don't see it.

As always, this is not investment advice.


Another look at the yield spread, based on Cochrane's data: The 10-year rate less the Federal Funds rate, since 1990.

Graph #7
Around 1995 there was a sharp drop almost to zero, and then five good years before there was a recession.

Around 2006, there was a sharp drop down to below zero, and a nasty recession a couple years later.

There has been no sharp drop this time around.

I eyeballed-in some red lines to show the trend of highs and lows for the last few years. Turns out that those trend lines meet some time around 2020.

Something has to change by then. But that doesn't mean recession is in the cards.

Wednesday, May 30, 2018

Only fear restrains the economy now. Jitters, Cochrane called it.

Arthurian, 7 April 2016:
I predict a boom of "golden age" vigor, beginning in 2016 and lasting eight to ten years. It has already begun. In two years everyone will be predicting it.

John Cochrane predicts it, 26 May 2018:
The economy has finally recovered from the 2008 recession.
It has recovered, except for the jitters.

Tuesday, May 29, 2018

Sometimes little things

Civilian Labor Force Participation Rate:

Graph #1
For about as long as anybody can remember, descriptions of the "Civilian Labor Force Participation Rate" have focused on that massive increase ("baby boom" ... "women in the workforce") or that massive decline ("baby boom") or both.

Yeah, okay. I'm not entirely comfortable with the standard explanations. (If the baby boom began in 1946 and people retire at 65, the downtrend should not begin until around 2011 if the baby boom explains it.) But I'm almost never entirely comfortable with standard explanations, at least until I work them out for myself. But I don't want to talk about that.

I want to talk about this:

Graph #2
The Participation Rate bottomed out in December 1954 at just over 58%. It peaked in January 1956 at just over 60%. Basically, there was an increase of two percentage points and the whole damn thing occurred in 1955.

The massive increase shown on Graph #1 begins around December 1964 and ends around July 1997. The increase was from about 58.5% to about 67%, for a total of 8.5 percentage points over a 31½-year period. That's a little over one quarter of one percent per year. Say instead that it ends in 1990, and it still only comes to one third of one percent each year.

The increase in 1955 was two percentage points in one year. At that rate, you could do the whole 1964-1997 increase in just four years. The rapid growth of the Participation Rate occurred in 1955. It just didn't last long.

But that makes it all the more interesting. What was the reason for that sudden, sharp increase, when the trend was otherwise down from the early 1950s to the early 1960s, down except for 1955.

The reason? I don't know. I couldn't find anything on the internet except baby boom and women in the workforce.

So let me ask a different question: Does the 1955 increase in the Civilian Labor Force Participation Rate have anything to do with the inflation of 1955-1957? I recall what James Forder wrote:
The question [Samuelson and Solow] were addressing was that of the explanation of the inflation of the 1950s – particularly the period 1955-57 – and the implications it had for macroeconomics. Mild though that was later to seem, this 'creeping inflation' as it was called was, at the time, a source of much anxiety.

Maybe the sudden jump in labor force participation caused the inflation?

Thursday, May 24, 2018

Similarities in Wage Growth: The 1990-91 Recession and the Great Recession

Mark Thoma links to the Kansas City Fed's Nominal Wage Rigidities and the Future Path of Wage Growth by José Mustre-del-Río and Emily Pollard. Here's the opening:
Although unemployment and other measures of labor underutilization have returned to their pre-crisis levels, wage growth has remained modest since the Great Recession. The modest pace of wage growth since the end of the Great Recession is at odds with its behavior during the previous recession, when wage growth rebounded more quickly and sharply. Chart 1 shows the year-over-year percentage change in average hourly earnings of production and nonsupervisory workers. By late 2005, roughly four years after the end of the 2001 recession, year-over-year wage growth had surpassed 3 percent, and it reached 4 percent shortly thereafter. In contrast, nearly nine years after the end of the Great Recession, year-over-year wage growth has still not reached 3 percent.

They identify their data and the units in which they display it, so the graph was easy to duplicate:

Graph #2: Average Hourly Earnings of Production and Nonsupervisory Employees: Total Private
The KC Fed article points out that after the 2001 recession, it took "roughly four years" for year-over-year wage growth to climb above 3 percent; but after the Great Recession, it has been nearly nine years now and "wage growth has still not reached 3 percent".

They assume, or maybe they want us to assume, that the time it takes to reach a 3% increase should be comparable for different recessions. Should be more comparable than nine years versus four. I don't think this time-comparability is a valid assumption. What about "long and variable lags" and all that?

Anyway, as I said near three years ago, the after-effects of the Great Recession follow the same pattern as that of the 1990-91 recession (note, not the 2001 recession) magnified by a time factor of 2.5 or so.

I find or expect to find similarity between the 1990-91 recession and the Great Recession in the following areas:


But up to now I have not looked into the comparability of nominal wage growth. Shall we?

Graph #3: Comparison of the 1990-91 Recession and the Great Recession
In red the graph shows the data from Graph #2, beginning in January 2006, a little before the start of the Great Recession. From January 2006, the line rises sharply to around 4.0%, then runs jiggy at the 4% level until some months after 2007-05 when it suddenly drops below the 4% level and runs jiggy at the lower level for a while. The small, sudden drop from the 4% level marks the start of the Great Recession.

Around 2008-09 (September) the red line appears to be climbing back toward 4.0%, but turns and makes a dramatic fall to near 2.5%. This sudden drop looks like it should mark the start of the recession; actually, the end of the recession occurs late in that decline, as the line falls below the 3% level.

In gray the graph shows the data from Graph #2 beginning in January 1990. I have delayed the gray data by 16 years so that we see it concurrent with the red (which begins in January 2006).

The gray rises quickly to the peak that marks the July 1990 start of the 1990-91 recession. Falling rapidly then, the gray looks similar to the red line's fall from 4% to 2.5%.

The recession ends just as the gray falls below 3%. Just like the red line! Perhaps it is no coincidence that the Kansas City Fed article considers how long it takes for the data to climb back up to the 3% level after a recession ends.

Both lines continue to fall after the recession ends, the red until 2012-10 and the gray until 2008-09 (September 1992).

The red line shows increase since the 2012-10 bottom. This improvement in average hourly earnings is concurrent with an increase in the gray line. But the gray increase is higher and runs for a longer time. The two increases peak together (around 2014-03), and neither line shows much increase thereafter. These observations seem to suggest the view that the recovery after the Great Recession was much weaker than the recovery after the 1990-91 recession. And they seem to suggest that growth is behind us and we now await the onset of the next recession.

Such views are widely held today, but I believe them to be incorrect. I think the after-effects of the Great Recession follow the same pattern as that of the 1990-91 recession, magnified by a factor of 2.5 or so. The magnification delays the timing of events. Everything is happening in slow motion this time around.

To get a feel for the slow-motion pace of events since around 2006, I took the gray line from Graph #3 and multiplied its time increment values by 2.5. Thus on Graph #3, the gray line shows a peak around 2014-03, but on Graph #4 that same peak is delayed until well after 2025:

Graph #4: Comparison of Recessions with the 1990-91 Recession in Slow Motion
To my eye there is great similarity between red and gray on this graph, far more than on Graph #3. The red drops much lower than the gray by 2011 or 2012, indicating greater severity of recession. But there is a striking similarity of timing, from the 2006 peak to the 2012 trough, clearly visible on this graph.

One effect of the severity of the Great Recession was to slow things down more than a normal recession. With the gray data slowed by a factor of 2.5, the declines hit bottom concurrently and the slow-motion effect becomes evident to the naked eye. No comparable similarity is visible on Graph #3.

From its low point, the red data bounces up to the 2.5% level, where it meets the gray data. I don't see that as coincidence. I see it as part of the similarity of these two recessions.

The recession's severity gives the red line some waviness while the gray runs flat at the 2.5% level. But the red persistently returns to 2.5% and the waviness dissipates over time.

That brings us to the present moment and the end of the red line.

What does the future hold? If the similarity of red and gray persists, average hourly earnings growth will show increase from now to 2026. And wouldn't that be something.


In 2016, John Taylor wrote:
Because the economy has grown from the start of this recovery at a pace no greater than the prerecession trend, it has left a vulnerable gap of unrealized potential that can and should be closed with faster economic growth. In several key ways the US economy resembles an economy at the bottom of a recession, ready for a restart, even though the unemployment rate has reached 5 percent.

In the last two years the unemployment rate has dropped even more, and there has been some talk of improved growth. Warnings of another recession continue to arise from those who are thinking in terms of Graph #3.

I agree with John Taylor that in 2016 our economy resembled "an economy at the bottom of a recession, ready for a restart". In the last two years, our economy has been preparing for that restart. As Graph #4 shows, it is now ready. Prepare to be astounded by the vigor.


// EDIT, 16 June 2018: See also my follow-up post: Recessions happen when the economy slows down. Recoveries happen when the economy speeds up.

Sunday, May 20, 2018

Wage Inflation

The equation of exchange. You know it:
Central to monetarism is the equation MV = PQ. M is the money supply; V is velocity -- the number of times per year the average dollar is spent; P is prices of goods and services; and Q is quantity of goods and services.
Hey, only P and Q today. Price and quantity. P is the price level. Q is the quantity of output. If Q by itself is Real GDP, then P times Q is Nominal GDP.

But that doesn't only work for GDP. It works for things with varying prices: To convert from "nominal" to "real" you divide by price. To convert from "real" to "nominal" you multiply by price. To see the prices, you divide "nominal" by "real". Mind your P's and Q's.

I was looking at my list of FRED data on productivity, and suddenly realized it includes both the real and nominal versions of "compensation per hour".


I could divide the nominal by the real and see wage inflation. That might be interesting.

I'm leaving output out of it. I'm not considering productivity here, only varying wages. I'm using business sector data, nominal divided by real compensation per hour. I show it in blue. For comparison, in red I'm showing the CPI. Indexing make the two series equal at the start:

Graph #1: Wage Inflation (blue) and the CPI (red), both indexed to 1948-08-01
Red and blue run tight together until around 1980. Since the 1980s, then, wages fall behind prices.

I thought that was pretty interesting. Since around 1980, wages don't keep up with prices. Maybe that's why the Fed has had such a hard time reaching its 2% inflation target. And maybe it's why wage earners have such hard times.

Wondering by how much the wages have fallen behind, I rearranged this data to show wage inflation relative to CPI inflation. What I found was pretty surprising:

Graph #2: Wage Inflation as a Percent of Consumer Price Inflation
Again, indexed to make them equal at the start.

The blue line runs at 100.0% consistently from 1947Q1 to 1977Q4, then suddenly falls beginning in 1978Q1. That's pretty weird. It almost looks like they were using business sector compensation costs to figure the CPI, and then suddenly they weren't.

// See also: Kitov's warning

Friday, May 18, 2018

The consensus is dangerously wrong, Palley says

Following up on Palley's latest:
NIRP has quickly become a consensus policy within the economics establishment. This paper argues that consensus is dangerously wrong, resting on flawed theory and flawed policy assessment...
If the consensus is wrong, it means our solution is part of the problem.

If the consensus is dangerously wrong, it means the problem is bigger than we think.


"In a growing civilization," Arnold J. Toynbee wrote, "a challenge meets with a successful response which proceeds to generate another and a different challenge which meets with another successful response."

"There is no term to this process of growth" -- there is no end to it, he says -- "unless and until a challenge arises which the civilization in question fails to meet--a tragic event which means a cessation of growth and what we have called a breakdown. Here the correlative rhythm begins. The challenge has not been met, but it nonetheless continues to present itself. A second convulsive effort is made to meet it, and, if this succeeds, growth will of course be resumed."

The depressions and great recessions of the capitalist era are the "rhythmical challenge" that we have failed to meet. Our economic troubles will defeat us unless we rise to the challenge. And, by "they will defeat us" I mean civilization dies, as Toynbee said. It's on us.

People who speak of "the end of the American century", people who express concern about the rise of totalitarian governments, they see it coming.

The Breakdown


"The nature of the breakdown can be summed up in three points," Toynbee wrote:
  • "a failure of creative power in the creative minority, which henceforth becomes a merely 'dominant' minority;"
  • "an answering withdrawal of allegiance and mimesis on the part of the majority;"
  • "a consequent loss of social unity in the society as a whole."
Losing its creativity, the creative minority becomes a merely dominant minority. Government becomes more oppressive. A common complaint today, government is more oppressive.

Everybody complains about government, these days. "Withdrawal of allegiance", that is. But we can't solve our problems by focusing on government. What's missing is the "creativity". To fix the problem, we need the right solution to the right problem. Changing the government doesn't necessarily do it. Toynbee thought creativity solves the problem.

By "creativity" Toynbee meant the problem-solving ability.

If it sounds like circular argument when I say it, then I'm not saying it right.

Where we are now is late in the process. Things now are so bad that we see government as the problem. But that's a cascade effect. When "a challenge meets with a successful response", civilization continues to grow. But when there is no successful response, there are consequences. These consequences we call problems.

They are problems. But they are consequences. They are "cascade effect" problems. They are results, and you can't solve results. You have to solve the problem. Identify and solve the problem.

We have to solve the original problem, the one that keeps coming back. "Here the correlative rhythm begins," Toynbee said. "The challenge has not been met, but it nonetheless continues to present itself."

What causes depressions and great recessions? Thomas Palley identifies the problem:
... the flawed model of growth, based on debt and asset price inflation, which has already done such harm.
It is a problem of our own making. That's what makes it so difficult to solve. We think of it as our solution.

Our solution is part of the problem, and the problem is bigger than we think.

Thursday, May 17, 2018

Tom Palley. Exactly.

Not sure what I did to get on Thomas Palley's mailing list. Oh, I contacted him by email one time, I'm sure of that. But I don't remember what economic detail I focused on, or what I might have said about it. And I don't know whether Palley liked what I said (and put me on his mailing list because he liked what I said) or hated what I said (and put me on his mailing list as a form of harassment) or none of the above.

But here's what I do know: About once a month, maybe less frequently, I get an email from Thomas Palley that opens with the words "Dear Friends & Colleagues," and, for some reason, that opening is just exactly right. I'm not a colleague, so I must be a friend.

And the once-a-month thing is nice. It doesn't feel like I'm being harassed. It doesn't feel like spam. It is something that, quite frankly, I'm starting to look forward to. (And I am a total curmudgeon.)

Opening my email early this morning, this is part of what I found, from Palley:
My own website has a new PERI working paper titled “Negative interest rate policy (NIRP) and the fallacy of the natural rate of interest: Why NIRP may worsen Keynesian unemployment” which I hope is of interest.
Which I hope is of interest, he says. Such understatement! Palley's ego is so small that you can't even see it. I like that. Then this:
Abstract: NIRP has quickly become a consensus policy within the economics establishment. This paper argues that consensus is dangerously wrong, resting on flawed theory and flawed policy assessment. Regarding theory, NIRP draws on fallacious pre-Keynesian classical economic logic that asserts there is a natural rate of interest which can ensure full employment. That pre-Keynesian logic has been augmented by ZLB economics which claims the natural rate may be negative in times of severe demand shortage, so that policy must deliver it since the market cannot. In contrast, Keynes argued investment could become saturated so lower interest rates cannot increase aggregate demand (AD) and no natural interest rate exists.
Okay. Here's what I think:
  1. Not knowing anything, we should still know that "consensus" can be a problem. Ten years ago, the consensus was that the financial crisis was not a problem. Eleven years ago, the consensus was that the central problem of depression-prevention has been solved. Consensus is a dangerous thing.
  2. Ooh look at that: Palley said "that consensus is dangerously wrong".
  3. Palley's view:
    • NIRP draws on fallacious pre-Keynesian classical economic logic that asserts there is a natural rate of interest which can ensure full employment.
    • That pre-Keynesian logic has been augmented by ZLB economics which claims the natural rate may be negative in times of severe demand shortage, so that policy must deliver it since the market cannot.
    • In contrast, Keynes argued investment could become saturated so lower interest rates cannot increase aggregate demand (AD) and no natural interest rate exists.
Ooh.

And then he says
Regarding policy assessment, NIRP turns a blind eye to the possibility that negative interest rates may reduce AD, cause financial fragility, create a macroeconomics of whiplash owing to contradictions between policy today and tomorrow, promote currency wars that undermine the international economy, and foster a political economy that spawns toxic politics.
Saving the best for last, he adds this thought:
Worst of all, NIRP maintains and encourages the flawed model of growth, based on debt and asset price inflation, which has already done such harm.
Exactly.

"the flawed model of growth, based on debt"

Exactly.

"debt and asset price inflation, which has already done such harm"

Exactly.

Exactly.

//

The link at PERI